By Epoch Times Editorial Board
The Chinese Communist Party is seeking to reinvent itself, and the Third Plenary
Session of the Central Committee, which opened on Nov 9, is meant to be the
staging ground for putting the Party on a new path of economic reform.
On Oct 28, the day prior to the announcement of the dates for the Plenum, a SUV
carrying three Uyghurs careened through Tiananmen Square, the symbolic seat of
power for the Chinese regime. The car left 28 wounded and 3 dead in its wake
before it crashed and exploded, killing those inside.
The chaos on the square provided an ominous counterpoint to the bright official
hopes for a new beginning.
Chaos inside the Party has been visible since Feb 6, 2012, when former Chongqing
police chief Wang Lijun fled to the US Consulate in Chengdu seeking asylum.
Wang’s attempt to escape ripped the curtain away from the power struggles inside
the Party.
A little over a month later former Maoist golden boy Bo Xilai was stripped of
his Party titles and put under investigation. The move against Bo only
heightened tensions as first Party chief Hu Jintao, and then successor Xi
Jinping, waged war against the faction of former Party chief Jiang Zemin.
Around the same time that the Party’s political turmoil came to the surface, the
Chinese nation came to realise that an earlier attempt at renewing the Party
through economic reform had failed.
After the disaster of the Cultural Revolution, in the late 1970s the Party had
seized on economic reform as a way to survive. But the regime’s political system
achieved economic growth at the cost of human rights abuses, environmental
devastation, and the over consumption of resources. Now, economic growth is
failing and the economy threatens to implode.
Deepening the regime’s crisis, the Party’s ideology is now only window dressing.
No matter how many meetings the Party holds in which cadres are forced to recite
doctrine, those empty words cannot compel belief.
The ongoing failure of economic growth dissolves the last shred of the Party’s
legitimacy. That is why the CCP advertised economic reform would be the business
of the upcoming plenum, to give the public reason to believe the Party has a way
out.
Factional struggle
Since Xi Jinping became general secretary of the CCP in November 2012, and Li
Keqiang premier in March 2013, the measures they have proposed have encountered
intense opposition from the highest levels of the CCP.
This is partly because the CCP will never allow any fundamental change to its
authoritarianism. But beyond that, any attempt at change will strike a raw nerve
in the members of Jiang Zemin’s faction.
On July 20, 1999, then-Party head Jiang Zemin launched the persecution of Falun
Gong. Jiang feared this ancient spiritual practice whose adherents do meditative
exercises and live according to the principles of Truthfulness, Compassion, and
Tolerance.
Falun Gong had become too popular. Official regime figures estimated at least 70
million were practising it, more than the membership of the Communist Party.
Among those, Jiang noted, were generals, high-ranking Party members and members
of the security services. The teachings of Falun Gong seemed to be eclipsing
Party doctrine in the hearts of the Chinese people.
Jiang ordered the practice eradicated, and told those enforcing the persecution
all means were permitted. Brutal torture, brainwashing and death followed. Party
officials set up a lucrative trade in organ harvesting, pillaging organs from
healthy Falun Gong practitioners while they were still alive. Investigators
believe over 60,000 were killed this way from 1999 to 2008, with more killed
every year since.
These extreme measures were taken without even the pretext of a single law
making Falun Gong illegal.
Fearing he may one day be called to account for crimes against humanity, Jiang
rewarded those who did his bidding against Falun Gong, and filled the top ranks
of the CCP, the military, and the state with his henchmen. Even though Hu Jintao
succeeded Jiang as the regime’s paramount leader, Hu found the levers of power
were difficult to move.
Central to Jiang’s strategy was the elevation of his trusted crony, Zhou
Yongkang. In 2007 Zhou became the head of the Political and Legal Affairs
Committee – a Party organ of vast power, with authority over almost all elements
of the security and judicial systems. In this position, Zhou enforced the
persecution of Falun Gong.
Zhou was also made a member of the ruling Politburo Standing Committee, helping
guarantee his power could not be checked within the Party – and assuring that
the policy of persecution could not be reversed.
But Zhou Yongkang was sched-uled to retire in 2012. Zhou plotted with Jiang
Zemin and powerbroker and former intelligence chief Zeng Qinghong to have
Chongqing Party head Bo Xilai succeed Zhou as the head of the Political and
Legal Affairs Committee and on the Standing Committee.
When the time was ripe, Bo would use the extraordinary power he would wield as
head of the security forces to unseat Party head Xi Jinping. Once Bo headed the
CCP, the guilty would be protected for a long time to come.
This plan of treachery and overthrow was set in motion, but before the plotters’
schemes could fully play out, Wang Lijun made his dash for Chengdu, exposing
everything at its most vulnerable point.
Bo Xilai was taken down, and ever since, the hostility of Jiang’s faction to the
rule of Xi Jinping has become ever more obdurate.
Jiang’s men cannot stand for Xi Jinping to become powerful. They can’t bear to
see Li Keqiang’s economic reforms have any measure of success. This conflict
will not end until Jiang’s faction is completely destroyed.
The costs of persecution
The persecution of Falun Gong has distorted the moral, legal and economic
systems in China.
Everyone in China knows that morality there has been rapidly declining. The
traditional criteria for judging right and wrong, deeply rooted in China’s
5000-year-old civilisation, no longer apply.
The hope behind Deng Xioaping’s economic reforms was that they would provide the
foundation for a society ruled by law.
But the slogan of “taking economic development as the centre” has been twisted
by Party cadres into “taking the persecution of Falun Gong as the core issue”.
All state and Party units understand the persecution is supposed to be their
core task.
This persecution is built entirely on lies and violence, and it has completely
destroyed the hope for an independent legal system in China. The public
security, procuratorate, and judiciary have been corrupted and act like Chinese
mafia.
The consequences spill over from the victimisation of Falun Gong practitioners
to the terrorising of society at large. The abuse of power and the bullying and
oppressing of innocent people are widespread. The conflict between CCP officials
and citizens is unprecedented.
Even in such an extreme situation, Jiang’s faction seeks to stop any reform to
the legal system. Any change will disrupt a mechanism built for enforcing the
persecution. Jiang wants to see Xi Jinping’s dream of con-stitutionalism remain
a dream and will not easily accept Xi’s attempts to abolish the forced labour
camps.
In order to continue the persecution, Jiang suborned CCP officials into loyalty
to him and his persecution, using the opportunities for corruption and
embezzlement to win them over.
His people control the most profitable industries in China, such as the
petroleum industry, as well as telecommunications, railways and finance. This
control has provided financial resources for the persecution.
Because almost all large industries are under the control of these bigwigs who
are loyal to Jiang, any economic reforms will affect that faction’s interests,
causing it to lose control of China’s economy. Without financial resources, it
is impossible to continue the persecution of Falun Gong, which requires a huge
amount of money.
Moreover, as soon as the persecution ends, Jiang’s faction will be prosecuted.
Out of economic self-interest and the instinct for survival, Jiang’s faction
seeks to derail any economic reform measures.
Empty talk or real reform
As the cadres gather in the Great Hall of the People Saturday to discuss moving
the Party forward, they must realise all their plans will amount to nothing
until they address the overriding demands of this moment in history.
The Jiang faction is in a state of panic. It has no thought for the good of the
country. It does not even have any care for the Party. Its only concern is
avoiding having to pay for its crimes. Any move to make even modest reforms will
cause shrieks of fear.
In fact, Jiang’s faction and its persecution of Falun Gong have irretrievably
destroyed the legitimacy of the CCP.
When the persecution started, perhaps 100 million people in China were
practicing Falun Gong. Together with their family members, a group of several
hundred million has been directly affected by the persecution.
Their legal rights are not protected. The state’s departments cannot conduct
normal operations and society is disrupted. In addition, the authorities have
invested huge amounts of resources in this lawless persecution.
The regime’s sustained, large-scale crimes against the practitioners of Falun
Gong cannot be justified. Having committed countless crimes, the Party is now
hopeless and incurable. This evil regime will inevitably be eliminated by
history.
Without ending the persecution, any reform, any attempt to guide society back on
track, is a pipe dream.
If the Jiang faction is not eliminated, there is no way the current leadership
can make any progress.
Left unaddressed, the crises born of the persecution will erupt sooner or later.
Infighting within the CCP will become even more acute. The Party will
disintegrate itself.
The current leadership would do better to seek the only real reforms that can
change China: take all power from the members of the Jiang faction; end the
persecution of Falun Gong and dissolve the CCP.
Without taking these steps, the leadership will fall into a more and more
passive and perilous situation.
Whatever steps the leadership takes, the main perpetrators of the persecution of
Falun Gong will eventually be brought to a historic trial. It is better to align
with the demands of history than be swept aside by its advance.
Everyone at this significant moment must examine the situation carefully and
understand God’s will and the people’s wishes, in order to act wisely and
responsibly.
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局勢持續演變
與您見證世界格局重塑
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